polymathy

Achilles in Book XXIII assumes the winner will have a continuous need for iron, since he offers a five years' supply
this only makes sense when iron was made much use of, i.e. not until after 1100

bronze tripods also not fancy, worthy of being prizes, until the Dark Ages

the size of a Mycenaean spear seems to preclude its being thrown

the Argive plain can support several little centres or one big
one, but not two big independent states,

Hallager, a palace without sealings
regular string nodules
irregular nodules (about 2/3 of all Mycenaean sealing findings)
combination nodules
clay stoppers

regular string nodules are the ones Linear B is found on
no irregular strong nodules at Tiryns despite heavy excavations
irregular too insecurely attached to be meant for transportation
Hallager thinks they were attached in their place of storage, i.e. the palaces

AJA 1989 Sarah Morris
LH IIIC Troy VIIa
SubMycenaean Troy VIIb

concludes that Trojan War is Troy VI

But Mountjoy in Mycenaean Seminar (1997-1998) says Troy VIIa is LH IIIB
Troy VIh is LH IIIA:2
says Blegen surely correct about earthquake
VId tentatively LH IIA
Trojan War might have been Troy VIIa, if that took place in mid-LH IIIB
alternative is LH IIIC (not early, because that was a period of recovery) perhaps VIIb2
Some scholars have assigned certain sherds of VIIa to LH IIIC, such as those decorated with wavy lines, with wiggled stemmed spirals, and with untidy spirals. These pieces are not LH IIIC. Examples of all these motifs have been found alongside typical LH IIIB pottery in the recent excavations, confirming Blegen's dating.

Hawkins (still in BICS)
Tudhaliya IV inscription and treaty confirm the location of Tarhuntassa and Lukka.
Karabel establishes location of Mira, and places Ephesus in it.
Seha River Land, known to have shared a border with Mira, is confirmed in its location.
SRL was interested in Lesbos, so must have controlled the Caicos valley, and its connections with Wilusa push that back to the Troad
Now it may be argued more strongly that there remains no place for Ahhiyawa on the mainland, and that Ahhiyawa "lying across the sea" impinges mostly mainly on the Anatolian west coast, above all at Millawanda-Miletos.

OJA8
Arzawan king fled "to the islands", implication is that the islands belonged to the king of Ahhiyawa

Between 1320 and the middle of the 13th century, Millawanda must have passed from Hittite to Ahhiyawan control. Hittite king acknowledges it as sovereign territory.
No evidence of a treaty, so maybe informal understanding
Reference to Land of Ahhiyawa as though it were on the Anatolian mainland, but Hittites also did this when referring to "Egypt" by which they meant Egyptian-controlled territory in Syria
reference to an attack by somebody on Wilusa
maybe Ahhiyawans set their sites on Wilusa (same general timeframe as the Tawagalawa letter 1265-1240)
Bryce thinks the exclusion of Ahhiyawa from the list of kings he considered his equal was because writing that list was a diplomatic maneuver, and the H king didn't think Ahhiyawa presented a problem in his maneuverings against Egypt (this is around the time of Qadesh) -- This is from the treaty with Alaksandus
Theeen we get the Sausgamuwa treaty made by Tudhaliya IV, with the erasure
Tudhaliya IV very likely the author of the Milawata letter, which indicates Ahhiyawan loss of Milawata

The earliest known reference to an Ahhiyawan presence in the Hittite world dates to the second half of the 15h century when the Ahhiya(wa)n Attarsiya established a base in western Anatolia whence he conducted military operations both on the Anatolian mainland and in Cyprus (if Alasiya = Cyprus). Althought it is evident that he had quite substantial land and sea forces at his disposal, he is not accorded the status of a LUGAL in the Hittite texts, and may well have operated quite independently of his land of origin. No doubt, however, his enterprises helped pave the way for more extensive involvement by Ahhiyawans in the Anatolian region the following century.

By the last quarter of the 13th century, Ahhiyawan control seems to have extended to a number of islands in the eastern Aegean off the Anatolian coast, thus providing the opportunity for the extension of Ahhiyawan influence to the Anatolian mainland.

By the third year of Mursili's reign, attempts were being made by at least two western Anatolian states, Millawanda and Arzawa, to break from Hittite overlordship and form an alliance with the king of Ahhiyawa. Although prompt Hittite action aborted these attempts, Ahhiyawan sovereignty was eventually established over Millawanda, probably by the early 13th century. This may have been the result of an agreement between the Hittite and Ahhiyawan kings, and perhaps involved an undertaking by the Ahhiyawan king not to extend his activities beyond the borders of Millawanda, and to cooperate in keeping the peace within the region as a whole.

During the 13th century, however, further inroads were made into the Hittites' western vassal states, primarily by ambitious and enterprising Anatolians, with the support of the Ahhiyawan king. They succeeded in establishing control, temporarily, over the Seha River Land, and Hittite overlordship seems to have been threatened in at least two other states - Wilusa and Mira.

Finally, in response to repeated incursions into Hittite subject territory, Tudhaliya IV attacked and conquered Millawanda, deposed its Ahhiyawan vassal, and restored it to Hittite control. This must have been a devastating setback to Ahhiyawan enterprise on the Anatolian mainland. And as far as we can determine, Ahhiyawa no longer figures in the Hittite texts, at least as a power of any significance within the context of Near Eastern affairs.

The activities of Ahhiyawa, or Ahhiyawans, cover a period of some 200 years in the Hittite texts, roughly from the last quarter of the 15h century to the last quarter of the 13th century, reach their peak in the first half of the 13th century.

colonization was not the motivation
probably access to resources, slaves, horses, metals

Texts:
1. Indictment of Madduwatta (about Attarssiya)
2a. Detailed annals of Mursili II
2b. Ten-year annals
ca 1320, earliest reference to Ahhiyawan LUGAL (my brother, my equal)
3. Tawagalawa letter (neither writer nor addressee's name preserved)
might be Hattusili III, 1265-1240
Millawanda conquered by Hittites 1320
now Ahhiyawan sovereign territory
4. Alaksandu treaty
1296-1272 (Qadesh is 1274)
no reference to Millawanda and Ahhiyawa
5. Letter from Manapa-Tahunda, king of Seha River Land to an unidentified Hittite king
same general time frame as Tawagalawa letter
6. Milawata letter, Tudhaliya IV (1237-1209)
Milawata in the hands of the Hittites
7. Sausgamuwa Treaty, Tudhaliya IV
the one with the erasure

Mountjoy 1998
Major, detailed discussion of pottery
Sea retreated from Troy as Scamander silted up
By Late Troy VI/VII would have been a kilometer or two away
Dickinson suggests that in Thessaly you get not Mycenaean colonists but the adoption of burial practices just as in South Greece
Mountjoy suggests the same for the east Aegean
maybe the southern part of the Anatolian west coast absorbed Mycenaean the more easily because it had already been exposed to Minoan influence
The most powerful single kingdom in the west was Arzawa until Mursili II defeated and dissolved it in LH IIIA2

1196-91 Ugarit
1176 defeat of Sea Peoples in year 8 of Ramesses III

Ephesus, like Miletus and Troy, was a coastal town in the time of Attarssiya

The new join made by Hoffner in 1980 shows that Millawanda did not become a Hittite vassal at some point after the Tawagalawa Letter as was thought; rather it was the
object of raids by the Hittite king and the addressee. Indeed, Singer states that as far as can be seen from the Hittite texts the Hittites never ruled Millawanda.
2 options for Ahhiyawa:
Mainland (Pylos on the wrong side, Mycenae an obvious choice, Thebes too, Iolkos should not be disregarded--but these are too far for quick communication and escaping to Ahhiyawa implied in the texts)
South Interface
Without Miletos, the South Interface with only Rhodes as an emporium would not have been of sufficient stature for its ruler to be a Great King.
Mountjoy thinks a maritime kingdom, not centered at Miletos but controlling it at some point
Mountjoy thinks the Sea Peoples might have been responsible for Troy VIIa if in later LH IIIB, as seems likely

The language spoken would presumably have been Luvian

Bryce Historia 38
The presence of Mycenaean settlers is clearly indicated in Miletos by Mycenaean burials and domestic architecture
Achaiwia appears on Knossos tablets. What it refers to is uncertain, and probably had a more restricted application than in Homer
It should be remembered that in Homer the name for the homeland was not Achaiia but Achaiis
It is also conceivable that Homer preserves the Anatolian name for the Mycenaean Greeks, just as Lykia comes from the Hittite Lukka, not the native Trmmisa (ethnic Trmmili)
Bryce thinks it is most plausible to locate the nucleus of the kingdom in mainland Greece
Mycenae best candidate, also Orchomenos and Argos (?!)
Alaksandu is obligated to provide help against potential trouble spots in Western Anatolia: Masa, Karkisa, Warsiyalla, Lukka, also against kings of Egypt, Sanhara (Babylonia), Hanigalbat, and Assyria. Ahhiyawa not mentioned
Bryce places Wilusa adjacent to Miletos (this must be before the Karabel inscription)
No indication that Millawanda was wrested by force from the Hittites
probably conceded in return for curbing his territorial ambitions and some help in maintaining the peace
The Hittites for much of their history maintained only a tenuous hold on their vassal states in western Anatolia
Bryce thinks the Mycenaeans were likely to have controlled vassal states much as Near Eastern rulers did. In his other article, OJA, says the Mycenaeans may not have organized things the way Near Eastern rulers did. The fact that Miletus looks like a vassal state is because it was already organized that way by the Hittites and the Mycenaeans just took it over as it was
believes they granted refuge in the mainland
tradition credits building of Tiryns walls to giants from Lycia
Since Lukka was near Millawanda, maybe Lycians did work on building projects for Mycenaeans, even on the mainland
it has been claimed that the LH III architecture ideas come from Anatolia, and that Miletus was the link
From the Linear B tablets it is clear that western Anatolia was one of the regions from which labor was recruited for the Mycenaean palace workforces
treaty with Sausgamuwa, ruler of the Syrian state of Amurru, Tudhaliya IV placed a ban on any traffic between Ahhiyawa and Assyria (a sworn enemy of Hatti) via the harbors of Amurru. This is the same text where the Ahhiyawa king gets erased (could have been a scribal error, but even this implies the king of Ahhiyawa was pretty important) Guterbock notes that it's certainly a draft, full of erasures and insertions
Bryce still thinks it was the loss of control over Miletos
Maybe the Trojan War was because Ahhiyawa lost Miletos and needed trade somewhere, focused on the Troad
But Bryce still thinks Troy was destroyed by the Sea Peoples

Embargo, Cline, Historia 40
The Hittites of Central Anatolia are the only major Near East/Eastern power not well represented by objects in the LBA Aegean
The Mycenaeans are the only major Aegean/Eastern Mediterranean power not well represented by objects in central Anatolia
Mycenaeans...not well attested with regard to trade in Central Anatolian Hittite texts
Hittites not mentioned in the Linear B texts
neither Homer nor later writers ever mention the Hittites
Hittites did enact embargoes: against Assyria, and forbade Ahhiyawans to trade with them
Minoans did trade with the Hittites

Climate Change 3rd Millennium
Manning
evidence of erosion in the Argolid in the mid 3rd millennium
Cyclades may have had a prestige goods economy, which are almost inherently boom-and-bust
Further hierarchy developed in EMIII. The hierarchy was now becoming historically permanent. The bones of ancient chiefs were revered (Soles 1992).

women cut down while fleeing, marks in the back
Blegen, Troy and the Trojans: arrowheads found

59
LM IB destructions
Niemeier does not believe that LM II Knossos is Mycenaean and argues that the Minoans at Knossos were responsible for the IB destructions and a conquest of the island in LM II
The other view, argued forcefully by Dickinson in Cretan Studies 6, supports the idea of interstate warfare with different polities attacking each other in the IB period providing the Mycenaeans an opportunity to take over a weakened island in LM II.
Even if there is general agreement that the Mycenaeans occupied Knossos in the LM II period and that they were responsible for the destructions that occur on the island at the end of the IB period these events
61
occupation of Crete created higher need for military force
had to take people away from the fields
reached a point where people producing agriculture could no longer feed population
Minoan military organization probably not very good, too focused on ritual concerns
Mycenaeans had better military technology
64
Potnia Labyrinthoio, where the Mycenaeans are recognizing the power of the Minoan deity and absorbing her into their own cult (Palaima--Soles does not agree)

68-70
EM/MM long daggers
10-20 cm blade, two-edged, weak at the handle attachment
Type A Sword
90 cm or longer, strengthened by midrib, handle attached as far down as possible to compensate for weakness, tang developed to secure it better
called rapier in English, but actual rapier (developed in late Ren.) has sharp point but almost no edge; whereas Type A have pronounced edges and are more similar to Med/Ren cut-and-thrust long swords
two main uses: long-range cutting and thrusting, and wide circular/open-arc slashes
Type B
rarely longer than 60, full tang revolutionary,balance shifted more toward the hand by tang and disproportionate widening of the blade at the guard
weight toward hand is better, less strain on wrist and elbow, faster to deploy, more strokes possible
originated in Argolid (Dickinson) or Crete (Hood, Hiller, & others)
Types C & D Swords
C, horned guard, often a meter long
D, shorter, horizontal cross-guard
C similar in use to long-range cut-and-thrust of Type A
even the best bronze swords would bend under prolonged sword-to-sword clash, or frontal impact on armor or bone
thin edges of a midrib-supported blade are prone to chipping
compensate with a fighting stile that avoids classing with the opponent's sword, but parries and deflects it. Opposing blades thus tend to slide along one another, and aggressive cuts are made on a forward stroke, especially to the limbs. It is surely no coincidence that skeletal studies of the Minoan and Mycenaean Warrior Graves have observed healed injuries to the right arm.
such a fighting style (posturing, jockeying for position, verbal sparring, instead of just jumping in and bashing) presupposes a single opponent of skill
aristocratic elite warriors, semi-formal combat
use of the live hand (empty left hand) to distract/attack/entrap the opponent
"Unless maimed no true swordsman fights one-handed."

Type F & Naue II shorter, wider, their graduated sections strengthen the edge of the blade as well as its length. They undoubtedly just chopped through the slender mid-rib swords of Knossos. Unlike long straight swords, their leaf-shaped blades are particularly suited to pull-cuts, elliptical cutting actions, which allow for quicker recovery and rapid change of direction. The large integral metal pommels don't just bring the balance back, but make formidable impact weapons. Such weapons are designed for the close-quarter, unpredictable, multi-opponent confines of a melee.

presence of guard houses in Crete, isolated, good view of the road, well fortified
91
Cycladic long-ships depicted on frying pans, rare surviving models
minimum complement was about 25, but could have been larger
may have been able to travel at 12 mph, cruising speed probably about 6mph, which could probably be maintained for no more than 10 hours a day
98
Blegen's excavations also revealed a wall, interpreted by him as a foritficatin dating to LH I which circumambulated the palace site (Pylos). But not necessarily a united fortification, could be retaining/terrace walls.
99
Pylos grave circle, Late MH, 34.38 years average death for males Grave Circle B, 35.75 years
MBA 36.5 average, LBA 39.6 average
keeping in mind the burials were unusually large & healthy individuals
males in LH I were rather less likely to die at unusually youthful ages
101
Further Province relatively recently acquired at time of Linear B documents
106
By LH IIIA there is evidence from excavations at the Palace of Nestor for a monumental predecessor to the LH IIIB Palace, evidence which confirms a central function for the site. It is perhaps also in LH IIIA that that Palace incorporated the wider region of western Messenia, the area later known as the Hither Province, while by the beginning of LH IIIB, it had probably added the Further Province.
107
remarkably few representations of warfare among the wall-paintings of the Palace of Nestor. In fact the only representations on the walls of the palatial structures at hte time of their final destruction are those from Hall 64
Hall 64 fresco shows Greek opponents wearing skins (judged unlikely in real life)
109
The warrior on the left wears a boar's tusk helmet, a short white skirt with black triangles, a baldric, and white greaves, he wields a dagger and faces right vs. a warrior dressed in a white garment with indications of black hair (apparently an animal skin), bare legs, and a dagger.
113 Santorini, an island that was resettled after the eruption of its volcano
114
The Middle Helladic period in general is characterized by the growth of distinct regional styles. Sometimes the material culture of a region like Messenia was in fact dominated so thoroughly by local stylistic features that it can be extremely difficult to establish stylistic synchronisms with neighboring regional styles, even in Laconia or Elis, not to mention the northeast Peloponnese. In no aspect of material culture is this isolation perhaps more clear than in the case of ceramics. In the Middle Helladic period Messenia does not share in the fine gray-burnished traditions of the northeast Peloponnese and central Greece nor does it share in the fine matt-painted or polychrome traditions that flourished in these areas at the time of transition between the Middle and Late Bronze Ages. It is only in Late Helladic III that Messenia fully adopts ceramic types characteristic of the Mycenaean cultural koine that it shared with other major Mycenaean centers.
The Mycenaean style of pottery appears to have begun its own life as a regional Laconian style, produced in imitation of Cretan prototypes, while it ultimately became the only style of pottery acceptable for use in a Mycenaean palace. It now seems clear that the tholos began its life as a Messenian burial type, that the earliest forms of this tomb were constructed in the Pylos area itself, and that the construction of these tombs was a significant component in competition for local dominance among local elites in western Messenia.
117
Southwestern Building may have been the home of the lawagetas
Hall 64 & Hall 65 appear to have been significant structures
Hall 64 was decorated with scenes of battle
the office of the lawagetas likely had military functions

120 Wiener: There has been a general assumption that in the Myceanaean world there were always a number of competing polities and no unified center. I certainly would think that was the case up to IIIA2. But from th etime of, say, the IIIA2 destruction of Knossos on, and the changes in Crete in that period, I have wondered whether the next century and a half of IIIA2 through IIIB1 was not the Mycenaean century and a half, and whether perhaps all of at least the Argolid was not unified under Mycenae at that time. Of course we need to know much more about Thebes - we can only speculate there.

126 Linear B docs leave no doubt that the supreme command of all military forces and the supreme control of all military resources formed part of the royal power of Mycenaean palace monarchies. Military service was considered a duty which the subjects had to render to this central power.

127
assume that warlike talents were required for holding a military office or for being entrusted with a military command (o rly?)
during the palace period, no military/prowess iconography until LH IIIB2
It is clear that the ruler ideology of Mycenaean palace kingship did not rest upon the military prowess nor upon the military glory of the /wanax/. It was based on his religious functions and on his divine powers.

Barber shows signs of conflict in the Cyclades, and signs of Mycenaeans
lady of Phylakopi thought to have been made in the Argolid in LH IIIA:2
the Mycenaeans of the Argolid were in a position to make up the depleted potential of Cretan agriculture at this time - a factor which would have given them enormous influence
direct control of Melos by Mycenaeans

We should probably see the Mycenaean expansion of the 14 and 13Cs BC as the result of the initiatives of several different states, whose similar interests led them to act in general concert but not to an overall plan.
Dickinson doesn't want to see outside force, Mycenaeans are not a people, they're a culture. When an islander does a Mycenaean thing, that makes him a Mycenaean.
Barber thinks evidence for conflict is evidence of outside intruders.
evidence for conflict:
1. scenes of battle on the Thera frescoes
2. actual finds of weapons LH I to LH IIIC
3. fortifications
4. some destruction levels

Karabel relief locates Tarhuntassa, Arzawa, the Lukka countries
Seha River Land situated to the north of Arzawa Minor/Mira, must have been to the north of the Karabel-pass
Arzawa can only have been to the north of Tarhuntassa and Lukka
Lukka countries lay to the west of Tarhuntassa, in western Pamphylia and Lycia
confirms the identification of Apasa with Ephesus
New excavations on the acropolis have revealed LBA pottery, Mycenaean and Western Anatolian, and parts of an impressive fortification wall, most probably of LBA date, constructed in a similar technique as the citadel wall of Troy VI and providing evidence that Ephesos at that time formed an important center.

Tanaja used in the Egyptian sources for a major part of the Peloponnese may have been an alternative name connected with the Homeric Danaoi used alternatively to Achaioi. Another possibility (Deger-Jalkotzy) is the location of the centre of Ahhiyawa at Boeotian Thebes. According to the recently found archive of Linear B tablets Thebes was the center of a large kingdom comprising Euboea. A role at the court of Thebes is several times mentioned in the new Linear B tablets.
Niemeier is pretty sure Miletus is Millawanda.

Assuwa probably was situated to the north of Arzawa and the Seha River Land. The name Assuwa has been connected with Asia, but this name occurs only rather late and is first confined to Lydia and Ionia further south. May be Assos on the southern coast of the Troad.

The man of Ahhiyawa of the fragmentary letter of unknown author and unknown recipient (possibly king of Ahhiyawa) possibly is identical with the man of Ahhiya in the famous so called Indictment of Maduwatta written by Arnuwanda I to Madduwata, a renegade Hittite vassal in western Anatolia complaining about the misdeets of Madduwata under Tudhaliya, Arnuwanda's father. About Attarassiya, the man (maybe just a gentilic, or maybe meaning not-king) of Ahhiya (Gunterbock regards Ahhiyawa as an expanded form of Ahhiya, the people of Ahhiya) we read that he drove Madduwata from the latter's country.

recent investigations in the temple of Athena at Miletus indicates Minoan presence from beginning of Old Palace period on.

Hittite silver stag vessel from Shaft Grave IV at Mycenae may have come directly or indirectly

From the Hittite sources of the 13th century BC we know that Millawanda was inhabited by subjects of the king of Ahhiyawa. This may have been the case already as early as the later 15th century BC, since according to the archaeological data Mycenaeans probably settled there much earlier, in LH IIIA:1.

*

Inhabitants of Midea & other areas in the Argolid may have moved to Tiryns, synoecism, for better protection and safer access to food supplies.
Midea destroyed by earthquake
plus 2 other destruction levels, could have been military, but we're not sure
some weapons, some fortifications, but no good evidence of enemy attack, just of military activity (which, yeah, could just be preparations/skirmishes)
A siege leading to surrender is not going to leave physical ruins, as the conquerors are probably going to keep the fortress around (unless they've read their Machiavelli!)

173
As a general rule in Minoan architecture, only the outer faces of walls are constructed of carefully laid and dressed stones, whereas the inner sides are mostly built of flimsy material of lesser quality.
192
The Arab corsairs of the second half of the second century, who ravaged and even occupied Crete temporarily, have not left any material evidence of their own on this island.

199
from 1600 (beginning of LH) to first quarter of 14th century, fortifications in Greece show little change from MH
1st quarter of the 14th century Cyclopean style: retaining and terrace walls (Isthmia), viaducts and bridges, observation and control towers, forts, tholos tombs, enclosures around settlements, and fortification walls of citadels.
200
made of limestone, 5-6m thick, except where there are casements, then can be up to 17m thick, e.g. south wall of upper citadel at Tiryns
no evidence for battlements, no place for them. The crown was probably level and served as a fighting platform for the defenders.
casemates introduced end of 13th century, last building phases at Tiryns and Mycenae
accessible from directly inside the fortified area at Mycenae, via galleries at Tiryns
no cisterns (to collect rainwater), no wells, no ability to endure a siege
Mycenae, Tiryns, Thebes get water sources at end of 13th century
Iakovidis thinks were not built expecting a threat, and there's no evidence they ever faced one
he says "localized damages and minor destructions"
(Shelmerdine in this volume disagrees, and Deger-Jalkotzky 388 in Cambridge Companion)
214
Midea last destruction by earthquake, also caused fire
authors think fortifications mostly for show

Betancourt
Black Elk, a young medicine man, taught that dancing and other ceremonies revealed in visions would drive away the Europeans
ended in Wounded Knee massacre
EBA Cretan religion centered around cemeteries
any figural object is usually a practical container shaped to look like a person or animal, not just a carving of the animal/person
Middle Minoan peak sanctuaries and caves become more important
way more symbolic objects
in some communities, burial in individual jars replaced communal tombs
LM burials individual acts in which person are placed in their own chamber tombs
richer burial goods
more use of abstract symbols, like double axes and horns of consecration

Rehak
evidence for warrior goddess mostly from LH IIIB contexts in the so-called cult center at Mycenae
1. a painted plaque
2. a fresco
2a. another fresco
3. a gold ring
4. 2 more frescoes
1. female figure, figure-eight shield, possibly a boar's tusk helmet, and brandishing a sword (maybe LH IIIA, predating the building in which it was found)
2. two confronting women, one with a paneled robe, holding a sword, one with a flounced robe and spear or scepter
2a woman wearing boar's tusk helmet, carrying a live griffin looking at her (so potnia theron)
3. a bunch of stuff, including a figure of indeterminate sex holding a figure-eight shield and a lance, resembles the figure on the painted plaque
4. figure eight-shields, in the vicinity of women

boar's tusks helmets advertise hunting prowess, might take dozens for a single helmet
boar-hunting frescoes include white hands holding spears
swords sometimes found in women's graves (could be symbolic)
Demeter and Artemis both called "goddess of the golden sword" (Homeric Hymn to D, Herodotus 8.77)

iconographic evidence for the figure-eight shield as having symbolic as well as practical value
not so for the tower shield
unlikely it was used primarily for hunting, contra Marinatos (too cumbersome, hung by telamon from the neck, banged against shin), could take cover behind it but not chase
made of bull's hide
bulls not feral, but probably allowed to graze relatively freely (like in the Old West)
capture of the bull by netting is an important topos of Neopalatial art around Knossos
prelude to bull-leaping
at least one hide per shield, more esp. if multi-layered
the meat of a bull would feed several hundred feasters
for the bull sacrifice in the Pylos paintings and the bull as the contribution of the wanax, see McCallum's dissertation

tower shield appears on Lion Hunt dagger, silver Battle Krater, with figure-eight shield
silver Siege Rhyton (Shaft Grave IV)
Battle in the Glen
Miniature Fresco at Thera, tower shields of the figures who have drowned
both figure-eight and tower shields likely to be of Minoan origin

286 greave finds in Achaean warrior graves around 1200-1100LH IIIC, not used by ordinary soldiers, prestige items

Gates
why not so much warfare in Minoan art?
doesn't mean there wasn't warfare, just that they didn't depict it (much)
Egyptians depicted it a lot
Hittites not so much, emphasis on rulers and protection of gods
Harappan not at all
in the 2nd millennium BCE, not so much pictorial imagery of warfare in the Near East, e.g. Ugarit, Mari, Mesopotamia
pictorial art is less faithful depiction of society and more ideological messages

287
1992 excavations demonstrated that in addition to the 16,500 square meters within the fortification wall of the citadel, an outer wall encompassing the Lower City enclosed a further 80,000 square meter. The population at the time of the destruction of Troy VI has now been estimated at about 6,500.

302
Tutankhamen holds a paltry lion by the tail, does not happen in Mycenaean iconography, where lions are always big and threatening even when wounded/captured
lion art does not tell us whether the Mycenaeans took the last step in the creation of true kingship, that is, abstracting the office apart from the man or the clan
Second, power roles remain blurred in lion art. Clear, separate iconography never crystallizes for chief, warrior, and ritual-maker. Hunter seems to generate and contain all the other roles. This blurring in art may correspond to actual overlapping of official functions in life, as implied in the Linear B tablets.

Hiller
Miniature Frieze in the West House at Akrotiri
Silver Siege Rhyton
Silver Battle Krater
Lion Hunt Dagger
the more minor depictions are reflections of friezes and frescoes (not everyone agrees, see discussion)
some say larger art has primacy, others say same images used in larger and smaller art with neither having primacy
specific arguments for the Battle Krater in another volume
also Warrior Vase painter supposed to have also painted a fresco
also evidence that in LH IIIC fresco painters turned to pottery (but what evidence and where cited? -- Dartmouth 29, references to polychromy transference from one medium to another)

332
1) Megaron frieze
2) Groom fresco
1) from the preserved west and north walls of the throne room and show preparations for battle with horses being attended and led by grooms and unyoked chariot (west) and fighting scenes (north) including at least two, and probably more harnessed horse-drawn chariots, architectural features with women watching at the windows and possibly of a hurtling warrior falling above a building and hand-to-hand combats between armed foot soldiers, similar to those depicted on the fragmentary Silver Siege Rhyton and Krater from the IVth Shaft Grave.
2 somewhat earlier and smaller from the Pithos area, showing preparations for battle, i.e. an unyoked chariot, horses, grooms and a few armed soldiers.
also, some fresco fragments from the House of the Oil Merchant, depicting bits of architecture, women, and horses, may be related to the Megaron frieze theme.

warlike character of the miniature "beleaguered city" or "warriors and officers" Knossian fresco, showing warriors hurling javelins and a young officer standing at attention with his left arm resting on a spear or staff, has now been doubted by some scholars, who reject Evans's interpretation that a military action is involved (attack or siege of a city) and suggest that the warriors with the javelins may well be participants in some kind of festival, sacral dance, or sport

But the subject of the so-called "Captain of the Blacks" fresco from the House of the Frescoes, depicting a Minoan captain leading a troop of light-armed negro soldiers, even if they are not the Palace guards as Evans thought, appears more likely to reflect either a warlike or military activity.

Uncertainty and no unanimity about how to interpret Miniature Fresco from Akrotiri. Shipwreck, sea fight judging from shields, three floating seamen swimming/drowned?

warriors with shields, boar's-tusk helmets, and raised long spears have already landed on the shore and march towards the right in front of the houses of a settlement. In spite of its poor condition, the scene is vaguely reminiscent of that on the Silver Siege Rhyton from Mycenae.

334 chariots, either archer platforms or conveyances, author thinks conveyances

Weingarten
compares lack of war imagery to United Provinces (Dutch Republic) in 17th century
Dutch tiles are known to quote drawings and prints. Minoan glyptics thought to quote lost frescoes
1. Dutch a naval power, not land or combined land/sea (like England and Spain)
naval culture has a different sense of hierarchy, greater room for initiative, more freebooting, sailors going ashore do not march with arms shouldered but go on liberty, to eat, drink, and find girls (there are exceptions)
navy centered around protecting trade
2. Republic, not monarchy
3. confederacy of seven sovereign princes
Dutch women, even young unmarried women, were free to come and go, unaccompanied, and unchaperoned, to work, conduct business, and engage in conversation almost like men. a visitor to Friesland was aghast at women embracing in public, assuming regular control over the family budget, skating at night until the city gates were locked, and feasting through the night in taverns miles from home...all (it was said) without any suspicion of unchastity. Women could also make commercial contracts and notarized documents. totally excluded from public office

why do they have no rulership iconography?
1) naval heroes were demotic rather than aristocratic, or at least were supposed to be
2) no monarch to extol
3) it being a civil oligarchy, a central function of art for public buildings was to extol public spirit, probity, and civil virtue. For this, early Roman history was regarded as most appropriate.

oligarchies subject to faction, lack of cohesion in meeting new threats, and friction between a limited ruler and the oligarchs. Economic aftershocks of the Santorini eruption could have caused just the sort of crisis to test the system to its utmost.

Warren thinks the lack of militarism and ruler-iconography is related to the increasing evidence for control by a single center, by Knossos, in the Neopalatial period.

Palaima
Ekhelawon is probably the wanax of Pylos
early form of epic with a hero named Akhilawos according to Nagy must already have existed in Mycenaean times. Palaima says the lawos naming element finds a place among bronze workers, shepherds, persons of moderate economic standing, and and a collector of some note in the central region of Crete
klewos names he concludes were reserved for use among elites whose achievements pertained to the military sphere
Alketas is a collector
Alksanor is a bronze worker
a-ki-re-u (Akkhilleus hypocoristic of *Akhi-lawos) KN Vc (1) 106 from the RCT, an individual already in the possession of a full complement of military equipment
Lawodokos
Lawophorgwos
Lawokhwonos
Kawokhwontas
Lawosthios
Lawosthenes
Agelawos/Arkhelawos
Amphilawos
Perilawos
Medelawos
Metalawos
Etilawos/Ertilawos
Ekhelawon
Nehelawos (Neleus)
Armoklewes
Eriklewes
Kherroklewes
Nausiklewes
Etewoklewe(h)ios
Alektruon

391
If we look more carefuly at the Minoan sealed document types which become obsolete in the LM II-III administration, the most obvious later absentees are roundels and flat-based nodules. Their disappearance implies that the need from which they arose no longer existed, meaning that the parties involved in these transactions were probably reduced to a single one, i.e. the centre.
It seems that in Mycenaean administration contributing party (whatever the reason of the contribution) did not receive any kind of 'receipt' to prove that an obligation had been met. This perhaps as opposed to Minoan noduli which may have had a similar function.
the absence of single hole-hanging nodules no longer exists. This absence should not be interpreted as meaning that perishable writing materials were no longer used, only that the people involved in drawing up these documents may have enjoyed a different status so that authentication was no longer necessary.
X-ray photographs of the various two-hole hanging nodules used in the Mycenaean administration showed that the 'string' used for the sealing was made from different materials (often sheep viscera) and some of these were clearly used to seal commodities
Leaving aside the precise military function of the chariot during the Bronze Age, there can be no doubt that it was an impressive prestige item, partly because it is associated with armoured warriors, partly because it may have served as the Bronze Age limousine.
LM II or IIIA1 date for the tablets found in the Room of the Chariot Tablets very controversial, not a problem we can solve today
pebble supposedly from MH III context, found near Olympia. Palaima doesn't buy it.
http://www.utexas.edu/research/pasp/publications/pdf/kafkania.pdf

Shelmerdine avoids crisis/state of emergency, thinks military preparations are long-term
magnetometry found anomaly 2.7 m thick, could be a wall (thin for a cyclopean wall) of LH III date
Shelmerdine doesn't buy the Mycenae/Tiryns/Athens fortifications were for status display purposes only
At Tiryns, Mycenae, and Pylos, then, the latter part of LH IIIB saw the construction of storage and work areas close to the palace; at Mycenae this followed the abandonment of an administrative complex, the Oil Merchant group of houses, outside the walls.
some people--no earthquake here--did such violent damage to Tomb III and Tholos IV that the excavators' shock still resonates from the pages of the Pylos publications

Wiener
tablets from Knossos, Chania, Pylos, and Tiryns reveal palace bureaucracies directing the manufacture, repair, storage, and distribution of chariots, armor, helmets, swords, spears, and javelins, and the distribution as well of the copper or bronze required.
Minoan administration, unlike Mycenaean, is largely accomplished through the use of seals
Kopcke thinks Harvester Vase military training
Wiener thinks agricultural teams sent out at harvest time
It is indeed possible that the Palace, in addition to its direction of cultic, atelier (artist workshop), and regional economic activities, was also the center for maritime administration, perhaps involving exports of weapons, wine, olive oil, and textiles, and imports of metals and luxury goods, weather acting on its own behalf or as the entrepôt for Near Eastern trade or state exchange for Knossos. Imported oxhide copper ingots, elephant tusks, and fine stone vases incorporating Egyptian stone bowls were all found in the Palace treasury adjacent to the shrine area, but given the fact that both the treasury and the workshops for luxury products were located in the Palace, it seems likely that such goods would have been delivered to the Palace whatever the location of maritime administration and record-keeping. The possibility that the Palace was the center of such administration is reduced by the fact that only two document sealings were recovered from the Palace versus 490 from House A (keeping in mind accidents of discovery).
Of course many of those involved in trading expeditions may have been "warrior-traders", for in the Late Bronze Age the choice between trade and raid was likely often made at the moment, with flotillas equipped for either. suggestion (Wedde) that the "fighting platforms" shown on the Theran miniature fresco were removable, attached when the ship was in a fighting mode and detached when the ship was to be used for cargo. It is perhaps worth recalling in this connection that the Athenian grain fleet was also the fighting fleet.

Naue II type swords are prominent in the LH IIIC cemeteries of Achaea and appear also in the rich late Mycenaean tombs of Palaiokastro in Arkadia. warriors in the north-western Peloponnese were generally well-equipped by the technological standards of their time.
Achaea gets richer, benefits as a result of the collapse of palatial society

painted chariot scenes popular on the mainland and Cyprus, not so on Crete
some fresco fragments from the palace at Knossos and 5 larnakes showing chariot scenes

Crouwel
LH IIIC Middle
helmets, corselets, graves, spears (single or in pairs), and swords
most explicit depictions of fighting are wall paintings from the Megaron at Mycenae
spearmen running and falling, at least some of the fighting centered around a building (palace or city), chariots conveying warriors,
13th & 12th century lighter Rail chariot replaced Dual chariot, changes in weaponry and armor, some changes taking place after the fall of the palaces
no fundamental break in military practices, contra Drews
ships oared galleys with a shallow hull, a tall prow, sharply curved forward and upward at the top, and with a tall straight stern, sometimes a mast is shown, along with a raised platform at the prow and stern
a helmsman at the rear is seen holding a steering oar with tiller

Suppiluliumas II: "The ships of Alashiya met me in the sea three times for battle, and I smote them, and I seized the ships and set fire to them in the sea."

the Egyptians (under Ramesses III against the Sea Peoples) attacking the vessels of the Sea Peoples with ship-borne fighters as well as land-based archers. After bombarding the enemy ships with arrows, javelins, and sling stones, the Egyptians came close enough with their ships to engage in hand-to-hand fighting.

Attarisiya the man of Ahhiyawa had 100 chariots
Drews thinks this means they were a fighting force
but this is the Near East, not the mainland
same with seals from Cyprus
debate over tablets issuing corslets to pairs of warriors, Palaima thinks warrior and driver
Wedde believes in decks 7th century

Wedde
Mycenaeans were the first to employ the oared galley
Instead of placing an oar crew in a hull as one of two locomotive means, the galley design resorts to building a craft around the propulsive unit, restricting superfluous overhang as much as possible, and seeking maximum straight-line speed while tolerating a relative reduction in the ability to sail. The history of the galley is the struggle to place as many rowers as possible into as small a hull as practical. This constitutes a break with the preceding development, a strategic inflection point in ship architecture. Mycenaean pictorial evidence places this revolution in Bronze Age Greece, either at the beginning of the Late Helladic IIIB period, or somewhat earlier. When the Mycenaeans began to make their presence known in the Aegean, ship building was dominated by the attenuated crescent-shaped hull with two equally high extremities and substantial bow and stern overhangs. It is the craft depicted on the Akrotiri Miniature Wall Painting and by a number of sealstones, script signs, vase paintings, and models, baptized by the author Type IV.

The advantages of galley architecture over the Type III and IV hull design have consequences for the use of the respective craft in naval operations. Although rapid, the Akrotiri ships are disadvantaged by substantial overhangs at bow and stern, suggesting that a 50-oared galley has a speed advantage when under oars, while performing less well when sailed. This impacts on the galley's ability to function with a skeleton crew, and therefore on its maximum cargo capacity (however that cargo is composed). On the other hand, the ability to beach at speed would have offered a tactical advantage, in that the warriors could spring directly onto dry land, and not wade ashore, a moment when the defenders would have had a critical advantage. It may also be surmised that once the galley has beached, it remains there, essentially unattended, whereas the Akrotiri ships, unable to beach at speed, would have stood off, and even function normally with a skeleton crew to handle a few oars and the sail. Beaching, as opposed to disembarking passengers when the water was shallow enough to wade ashore, places a premium on the stern anchors, keeping the hull from turning broadside on the waves and risking being capsized onto the beach, and facilitating the pulling off from the sand at departure.

The Mycenaeans flung javelins from afar, and entered man-to-man combat through boarding, armed with the short spear, or the sword, and protected by a shield. Intimate contact with the enemy ship is thereby rendered necessary, which implies that whereas the Islanders may not have approached the enemy ship more than required, the Mycenaeans may well have provoked a milder collision, gunwale to gunwale, so as to create confusion, and to enable their most daring heroes to spring onto the defenders. This may have been one of use of the new Type F and Naue II swords.

The galley was a factor in political, economic, social and military developments which all coalesced into systemic collapse. The representations themselves would argue against an exaggerated role: of the 25 documents depicting galleys, all but five are dated to Late Helladic/Minoan IIIC, a period during which the old order was irrevocably a thing of the past. Travel by sea now required the protection afforded by warriors.

Wedde does not accept fully developed tactical ramming, as opposed to opportunistic or desperate ramming, before the invention of the trieres, and places the latter's inception in the middle sixth century, and not early seventh as do other scholars.

the early galley is not a warship, exclusively. It is an oared vessel employed for several purposes. You can trade with a galley, you can patrol with a galley. It is not necessary to have a state of war to use a galley.
A galley can sail, yes. It doesn't sail as well as, for example, the Akrotiri ships, but you can use the sail either as the exclusive mode of propulsion or as a complement to the rowing crew.
All wooden ships have to be drawn up and dried out. But you would continue to use the galley in peace and in war, as a normal ship, it just had this extra performance. And I would like to stress that the early galley did not ram. It wasn't built as a weapon in itself. If you take the Classical trieres, it is virtually useless for anything else but patrolling, and battles at sea where the ship itself is usually the weapon. It can be transformed into a horse carrier, but they did that with the old triereis which were no longer in the line of battle.
I believe that the shape of the Type VI galley, the Tragana ship, with the bow projection, was designed to strengthen the scarf between the keel and the stempost - it obviously had some further block behind, although it did not have the integrated bow. That would allow the ship to run up onto the beach bow-first, and withstand the shock of hitting the beach. That is a capability that I would assign to the Cycladic longboats and the earliest Minoan ships: they also have a similar stempost-scarf with a projection beyond. Beaching, as far as we know from the Akrotiri wall painting, would be stern-first because of the stern-attachment, which I don't think finds a convincing explanation unless you consider the whole scene as a procession with frequent stops where dignitaries had to get fairly dry-footed off the boats, do something, and get back on board - or someone else might come instead of them. That, of course, is a device that a vessel in normal use, as we know from the sailing vessel, would not employ. That is the one indication that beaching of the Type IV ship would be stern-first, and not at speed.
aspect Type III-IV Type V Type VI
rapid deployment: good (overhangs reduce maximum crew at oars); very good (maximum oar-crew, but added weight of deck); excellent (maximum oar-crew, lightweight hull)
rapid landing: limited (crescent-shaped hull against); limited (no keel projection to protect bow); good: keel projection protects bow
ship as weapon (not ramming): unlikely; limited (shunting at moment of engagement); limited (shunting at moment of engagement)
additions to hull for warlike use: bow and stern fighting platforms; none, forecastle integrated into bow, rarer instances of stern castle (Type V & VI)
use as fighting platform: limited to good (mainly forecastle); excellent along length of hull; good (mainly forecastle)
tactics: long naval spear, encounter at distance; short spear, shield, boarding, man-to-man; no data (probably as Type V)
ability to transport troops, plunder, prisoners: very good (craft functions wtih skeleton crew); good (but requires full oarcrew); limited (requires full oar crew)
crew doubles as soldiers: yes; yes (with warriors on deck); yes
fate of ship during land operations: able to stand off with sail and skeleton crew; possibly immobile and unmanned; probably immobile and unmanned
further development: limited (invisible in the data); form basis for all further galley developments in Greece (Type V and VI)

489
cult (things which are done) and religion (that which is believed)
Greeks write about contemporary battles, but don't depict it artistically until Pydna
near-legendary depiction of Marathon hung in the Stoa Poikile
Pritchett: rewards (aristeia) were generally given to individuals who had distinguished themselves, pay and subsistence (misthos) provided for the troops; the remainder would be sold and the proceeds turned over the state treasury with a tithe (dekate) set aside for the gods. Our sources unfortunately say very little about looting undertaken by troops. The Karnak Annals provide a rare admission that the capture of Megiddo was delayed (if not put in jeopardy after all) by troops first plundering the enemy camp.

Arnott
Next to degenerative joint disease, the most common pathological conditions affecting skeletal remains result from trauma. 10% of all individuals from ABA examined suffered from fractured bones (actually more since incomplete remains/examinations)

arrowhead barbs especially designed for warfare and were the curse of battlefield surgery in the ancient world
wound would have been enlarged with a knife or may have been pushed through after removing the flight, but surgery would have been a last resort
MBA trepanations
initial incision of the scalp produces a lot of blood, but the hemorrhage can be minimized by turning back the scalp flaps created; a procedure no doubt realized from almost the first operations. One can only imagine the pain suffered by the patient during the cutting through of the periosteum, but the operation that follows is comparatively painless. The patient was perhaps partially anaesthetized with opium or some other compound, but in the case of head injuries, they were probably already unconscious.
use a sharp stone, obsidian, or even bronze knife for the scraping method
avoiding cranial sutures and major blood vessels he would remove the required area of bone by gradually scraping away the layers of the skull. more precise and controlled penetration of the inner table of bone, and lessened the likelihood of brain injury. There is no evidence to suggest that there was any specific post-operative treatment, although this cannot be completely dismissed. Perhaps there was some attempt at closure of the skin wound, either by drawing together the skin flaps or by the application of a pad, possibly of linen.
many patients seem to have died as a result of the operation, but Angel found evidence from a skull at Asine of a trepanation being performed successfully, on a man aged 30-40 after an axe wound
fractures require treatment and do not just heal properly on their own (including animals in the wild)
in the earlier period, the reduction and immobilization of fractures may have been only available to elites; the evidence points in this direction, but by 1300 BCE, it seems to have been more readily available.
reduction by manipulation, splinting of bones with natural products other than bark, such as reeds, animal skins, or even clay, will also have been used in the treatment process.
possible evidence for trepanation for aneurysm-induced headaches
bronze blunts easily so not always the best
obsidian used at least in the EBA to cut soft-tissue and bone to facilitate burial in the traditional "crouching" position
arrows for hunting are recovered and reused; arrows for warfare are barbed and left in the individual (famous barbed arrowhead from Troy that he is certain was used in human-to-human combat)

Tiryns perhaps originally ruled by Mycenae, but later became center of independent state

"Within the Argolid, we now have possible evidence for the existence of independent Linear B archives at Mycenae and Tiryns, and it is thus possible that these two sites may have been the capitals of independent kingdoms" (Dartmouth Project, lesson 25)

"The fortifications and palatial architecture of Tiryns are at least as impressive as those of Mycenae in the later Mycenaean period. Now that Linear B tablets have been discovered at both sites, a fact suggesting that the two may well have maintained independent administrative archives, there seems to be no compelling reason to assume that Tiryns was controlled by Mycenae at this time. If the two were in competition, their similarities in defensive architecture may even be viewed as evidence for a 13th century B.C. 'arms race'!" (Dartmouth Project, lesson 21)

"whereas it seems unlikely that Tiryns was not a part of a Mycenaean kingdom in LHIIIA and B." (Aegaeum 28, p 23)

Tiryns was the port of Mycenae

"You can see Tiryns from Mycenae. Some kind of friendly relationship. Tiryns not nearly as large outside the citadel. The port of Mycenae. Now about 1 mile from sea, but water used to come nearly up to Tiryns." Class notes, lecture 22

Tiryns continued to flourish after its initial destruction

"At Tiryns, recent excavations by the Germans suggest that the Lower Town outside the walls (Unterstadt) was extensively rebuilt in the early LH IIIC period after the flash flood that had overwhelmed most of its LH IIIB predecessor and required the construction of the great dam to the east of the site" (Dartmouth Project, Lesson 29)

[I]n the Argolid, Laconia and East Locris the number of inland sites decreases rapidly, while some coastal sites continue, and Tiryns expands. (Aegaeum 28, p 20)

"[I]n IIIC Tiryns is the sole former palatial site which seems to grow in population" (Aegaeum 28, p 23)

Tiryns destroyed by earthquake
In the Argolid at least, another major earthquake can be identified. (Aegaeum 28, p 19)

"Earthquakes have been blamed for the destructions at Mycenae and Tiryns." (Cambridge Companion, 397, LH IIIIB1)

"Of even greater potential significance is the strong conviction of the German excavators that the destruction at Tiryns was caused by an earthquake rather than being due to human agency." (Dartmouth Project, lesson 28)


shortage of tin drives iron age...probably not (at least not in transition to LH IIIC)
"A more recent theory claims that the development of iron technology was driven by the disruption of the copper and tin trade routes, due to the collapse of the empires at the end of the Late Bronze Age.[12] These metals, especially tin, were not widely available and needed to be transported over long distances; whereas iron ores are widely available. However, there is no archaeological evidence that would suggest a shortage of bronze or tin in the Early Iron Age.[13] Bronze objects continued to be abundant, and these objects have the same percentage of tin as those from the Late Bronze Age." (Wikipedia, "History of ferrous metallurgy", citing Muhly, James D. 'Metalworking/Mining in the Levant' pp. 174-183 in Near Eastern Archaeology ed. Suzanne Richard (2003), pp. 179-180.

"Bronzesmiths of the postpalatial period were able to keep up a high standard of their craft. In fact, weaponry reached a pinnacle of achievement." (Cambridge Companion, p 401)


shortage of food?

"The great drainage system of the Kopais, on which a vast amount of labor was expended, was also destroyed, perhaps causing food shortages." (Aegaeum 28, p 19)

"The agricultural basis of the palace states was taken beyond its limits by overexploitation of arable lands and soils. Wheat and barley were of low quality and contaminated by weeds." (CC, p 389)

"One reaction may have been increasingly desperate efforts to produce, suggested particularly by the evidence that the palace at Pylos was being turned more and more into a perfumed oil factory and by the deficits in its taxation system, which may have been trying to extract more than the territory could produce. There could have been increasing tensions between the Mycenaean states as they tried to secure a share of diminishing resources, perhaps to be detected in the thirteenth-century destructions at various sites." (Dickinson 307)

Pylos shortages

"The scarcity of raw materials, and of copper in particular, for specialized workers within the kingdom of Pylos is clear from Linear B texts found at that site. Although no comparable documentary evidence has been found at other Mycenaean centers, this shortage of imported raw materials and the breakdown in exchange networks which such a shortage implies is usually considered to have existed throughout the southern Aegean by the end of the 13th century B.C." (Dartmouth Project, Lesson 28)

[At Pylos] Tablets originally appear to have listed around 400 bronzesmiths distributed over many locations, but only a small amount of copper is assigned to each bronzesmith, raising the possibility of a copper shortage at that moment. (Aegaeum 28 p 18)

Rebuilding

"Why, for example, should earthquakes cause permanent change at some stages of Aegean culture but purely temporary interruptions of development at others, and, more generally, do historical analogies suggest that such natural events hve really marked effects on historical development?" (Dickinson 296)

Dartmouth 28 repeatedly evaluates theories in terms of whether they explain why the palaces were never rebuilt.

houses outside the walls destroyed by fire
necks smashed off stirrup jars filled with oil, Wace took to mean the fire was started deliberately after the places were doused with oil
"Potter's Shop" at Zygouries
palace/citadel of Gla
part, if not all, of palace of Thebes destroyed, not by fire

fortifications at Mycenae strengthened, underground water system
lots of fortification strengthening at Tiryns
Cyclopean walls around Acropolis, subterranean water system at Athens
Corinth wall

evidence for earthquake at Tiryns

walled city of Midea destroyed by fire
small settlement at Iria southeast of Nauplion destroyed by fire
Menelaion destroyed by fire
palace at Pylos burnt
massive depopulation more striking in Messenia than elsewhere in Greece
influx into Achaea, more tombs
influx into Ionian islands

evidence for violent destruction of Acropolis, but agent(s) cannot be identified

LH IIIC at least two major incursions of Mycenaean refugees to Cyprus

Andronikos
neo-Marxist explanation fails to explain widespread depopulation of large & fertile areas such as Messenia and Laconia

Vermeule
Sea Peoples disrupted commerce

Desborough
invaders from the north, but no good evidence
foreign objects occur even in good Mycenaean contexts as imports, could have been imitated later

Mylonas
different failures for different reasons, but why should this result in a complete collapse with no rebuilding?

Carpenter
drought
droughts can occur, but no definite evidence either way for this period
would have been Mycenaeans sacking the palace trying to get to supplies, not outsiders

Iakovides
Sea Peoples disrupted commerce but not active near Greece, only indirect impact
Pylos shows scarcity of raw materials

Rutter and lots of people
Coarse Ware evidence of invaders from the Danube, not in large numbers
not enough pottery to show this

Winter
barbarian invaders don't leave a bunch of archaeological evidence behind, adopt the culture of the conquered

Betancourt
Mycenaean economy too specialized

Drews
changes in the nature of warfare
too simplistic

Troy VIIa

Blegen dates 1275-1240, but could be as early as 1300/1280 and maybe have lasted until 1180

1190 date on the basis of possible LH IIIC imports
perhaps most likely date for Trojan War

reconstructed Troy VI fortifications, but no new fortifications after this
so the constant ongoing fortifications from 3000 BCE on came to a halt with Troy VIIa
some mansions reconstructed & reused, but some too badly damaged and so just built over
houses more densely packed than in Troy VI
dug pits in the floor to store pithoi, sealed by stone slabs (in one case weakened the floor so badly it collapsed)
most one storey high (but the floor collapsing one had 3 stories)
human skeletons absent from earlier destructions, esp. IIg and VIh, which means they were able to retrieve their dead. Not so in VIIa

who sacked Troy? Mycenaeans? maybe, if earthquakes/natural events at home, or destruction caused by absence of defenders
ppl from around the Danube, if Coarse Ware is evidence (maybe also responsible for Peloponnesian destructions), but small quantities, not great evidence

VIIb1
not sure why VIIa ended
houses commonly built right up against the walls on both sides, so they probably weren't meant too much as fortifications
destroyed by fire

not occupied again until late 8th century

Sieges a popular theme of art from 18th century on
MM II Knossos Town Mosaic
Silver Siege Rhyton from GCA
Room 5 West House north wall at Akrotiri
fragments of steatite rhyton from Epidauros
possibly a fragment of another from Knossos

end of 13th century tablets from Mycenae and Thebes, and all but 5 of the over 1100 Pylos tablets
Tiryns probably the same, although found in wash deposits/debris from a later period
tablets from the houses outside the walls at Mycenae probably 1250
Knossos originally dated 1425-1385, now mid to later 13th century

Pylos, Knossos, Thebes, Mycenae have archives, presumed to be capitals of kingdoms
discovery of Tiryns tablets means Tiryns is likely to have been independent as well

Menelaion 1450-1400 LH IIB-IIIA1
MTT 1400-1340 LH IIIA2
Pylos, Gla 1340-1200 LH IIIB

LH IIIA1 Menelaion destroyed
early LH IIIB Gla palace destroyed
late LH IIIB Menelaion rebuilt
LH IIIB end MTT, Pylos, Menelaion destroyed

Mycenaean palaces centripetal, Minoan palaces centrifugal
far fewer recurrent features in Mycenaean palaces than in Minoan, less standardized
many features probably designed at whim of individual rulers

The Mycenaean heritage from Crete in terms of palatial architecture seems to have been the use of the palace as an administrative center; the megaron form itself is based on ordinary Mycenaean house design
Minoans emphasized circulation of light and air
Mycenaean palaces closed & stuffy,

Pylos: palace but not citadel
Thebes: palace but perhaps not citadel
Mycenaea, Tiryns, Athens: palace and citadel
Gla: citadel but not palace

1680-1500 : LH I - LH IIA : Pre-Palatial
1500-1400 : LH IIB - LH IIIA1 : Protopalatial
1400-1200 : LH IIIA2 - LH IIIB : Neopalatial
1200-1050 : LH IIIC : Postpalatial

Cape Gelidonya shipwreck
ship did not survive, because the strong currents kept the marine silt from settling over it, which is how timbers survive underwater
ship was 10 meters long

1490-1436 Tuthmosis III on, representations of oxhide ingots appear frequently in Egyptian art
1190-1162 Ramesses III the latest, but probably copy of 13th century
so no evidence after 1200
oxhide ingots not meant to be shaped like oxhides
not a unit of currency, as did not weigh the same

source of tin for the Bronze Age Aegean is a hotly disputed question
5 scarabs found in the cabin area, probably belonging to members of the crew
from 1785 to late 13th century
a single cylinder seal, possibly the captain's, from the 18th century
---------------
infrared spectroscopy to determine sources of amber
earliest Greek amber from GCB 1725-1675 using the high chronology

old frescoes very similar to late frescoes
the tenacity of Mainland fresco painting traditions can be compared with the tenacity of oral poetry like Homer
fresco developed by Minoans, although some Mycenaean figures have more in common with Theran/Cycladic stuff, suggesting that fresco tradition may have come not directly from Crete but via Cyclades
fresco painting so formulaic that "pattern books" may have circulated
some stuff changes so much, like bull-leaping, that people question whether maybe the Mycenaeans didn't practice bull-leaping at all and misunderstood/forgot what was going on, rather than differences reflecting changes in the practice of bull-leaping

Minoan & Mycenaean marine motifs usually on the floor (with exceptions)
whereas in Thera, extensive marine wall scenes

Pylos fresco depicts feast in which bard recites and plays lyre

1390-1190 Mycenaean koine pottery so similar, it's impossible to tell where in the Mycenaean world a vase was made